Monday, 28 May 2012

Why Today May Be Shit: Govt to Axe Hundreds of Jobs


Do you work for Queensland’s Department of Education, Training and Employment? Are you on a temporary contract? You should probably brace yourself for a bad day.

According to insiders, Director-General of DETE Julie Grantham is due to announce today that no temporary contracts would be renewed and that no part-time or casual employees will be retained. 

This might not sound like that big a deal to some, but it should be noted that by some estimates temporary contracts make up to 75% of the department’s workforce. This means that, at some time today, hundreds of government employees will be told they are no longer employed and will be forced back into the job market during what is, both statistically and anecdotally, one of the most competitive and difficult employment markets Australia has ever seen.

There is no escaping the irony that the Department of Education, Training and Employment is preparing to force redundancy on hundreds of educated, highly trained and – until today – gainfully employed professionals. I want you to understand, too, that these are not simply typists and lollypop ladies that are being made unemployed. I have worked in the department (back when it was called the Department of Education and the Arts) and can assure you that many of the people who will lose their jobs today are overqualified for the jobs they’re doing already. These people have degrees in law, economics and accounting. They can design bridges, speak French and think in binary code. They are already overworked and underappreciated, and this time next week, they’ll be serving Big Macs and mopping floors like the rest of us.

All of this comes as part of the NewMan Government’s Mandate For Change, which is revealing itself to be a catch-all policy of deregulation and decommissioning in what this author can only assume is a ploy to keep people confused and distracted until the last koala is dead and being used as a coal substitute. Worse, this is only the beginning, as this policy of cancelling all temporary contracts is to be applied across the board, government-wide and in every department so things will only get more desperate and difficult.

Admittedly, I could be sensationalising this a little. But then, it’s also possible I haven’t gone far enough. Only time will tell. In the meantime, I’m memorising Mad Max/The Road Warrior so I have the edge when the country finally becomes a simmering furnace of road-violence and highway crime spurred on by desperation, starvation and the search for fossil fuels.

“Better call the meat truck. Charlie’s copped a saucepan in the throat.”


Bollocks,

Karl “Nightrider” Anderson

Further Preparations For A Life Of Crime: Annotated Bibliography Assignment - JOUR1111


ABC News. (2009, November 18). Xenophon attacks Church of Scientology. ABC News. Retrieved from: http://abc.net.au/news/2009-11-17/xenophon-attacks-church-of-scientology/1146154

This article, found online at abc.net.au had no author listed, however the veracity of the source should not be questioned as ABC News have a well established reputation for journalistic integrity, certainly as compared to some of the other sources listed below.

The article regards a statement made by independent South Australian senator, Nick Xenophon, decrying the tax-exempt status of the Church of Scientology in Australia in light of alleged revelations of abusive practices and criminal activities. In the statement, Mr Xenophon created some controversy by referring to the already much-maligned Church of Scientology as a “criminal organisation”.

The article is noteworthy as not focusing on that particular phrase and instead focusing more broadly on Mr Xenophon’s calls for a parliamentary enquiry into the Church’s tax-exempt status as a registered religious group. The author takes a decidedly unsensational approach, instead reporting on the parliamentary proceedings rather than the potential for controversy.



Cole, P. and Harcup, T. (2010). Newspaper Journalism. (pp.114 – 116). London: Sage

This source is an academic text written by highly regarded members of the University of Sheffield Department of Journalism Studies. Peter Cole is the Director of Journalism for the University of Sheffield and Tony Harcup has been a senior lecturer at the university since 2005. Both are members of various journalism and press associations and have extensive experience in the field of news values and education.

The text discusses the relationship between politics, politicians and the press, citing the example of British minister Tony Blair, in the lead up to his leaving the office of Prime Minister, speaking about the changing face of journalism as business and the effect on sensationalist “impact-driven” (p.114) political journalism. The author states that there is now “as much interpretation of what a politician was saying as coverage of them actually saying it” (p.114), the implication being that interpretation and, potentially, misinterpretation are significant factors in modern news media, and may in fact cloud the perception of the actual message. Mr Blair is quoted as describing the political press as “like a feral beast, just tearing people and reputations to bits” (p.114). The text also offers excerpts of responses from a number of major British news outlets, including a quote from The Express responding to Mr Blair’s comments, saying: “in the animal kingdom, the opposite of feral is tame” (p.115).



Nadin, M. (2012, May 3). Senator caught in Muslim slur row. The Australian, p. 5

This article, published in The Australian this year, follows the story from a slightly different angle, with some new developments which serve as an example of the effects of compromising journalistic integrity for the sake of sensation.

The article reports on a Malaysian news outlet, New Straits Times – reportedly Malaysia’s oldest English-language newspaper – , falsely reporting Nick Xenophon’s statements about the alleged criminality of the Church of Scientology as being directed at the religion of Islam, which is extremely prominent in Malaysia. The article published in the New Straits Times quotes Mr Xenophon’s statements from 2009 but simply replaces the word “Scientology” with the word “Islam”.

The sensationalism of this story works on a number of levels; not simply the Malaysian newspaper’s deliberate misquoting to create controversy, but the way in which this article has been constructed to give the minimum of background information, neglecting to make any mention of Mr Xenophon’s call for a parliamentary enquiry into the Church of Scientology, the original intended purpose of the statements to parliament.

There has also been some small effort to create sensation in the initial promotion of this article. The front-page headline leading to this article reads,

“Muslim Slur: Malaysian newspaper verbals Xenophon”.

This is interesting wording for the article as the word “verbal” used as a verb in that context is widely understood in this country to be a prefix for phrases like “verbal abuse” or “verbal attack”, which gives the article a home-spun vernacular to describe an aggressive action, adding to the subtle sensationalism.

All of this fails to successfully report on the facts of the original story, instead focusing on impact-based reporting providing maximum controversy with minimum fuss and only the barest need to provide background information to put the story in its proper context.



Wright, A. (2009, Novermber 18). Senator Nick Xenophon brands Scientology a ‘criminal organisation’. Herald Sun. Retrieved from: http://heraldsun.com.au/news/senator-nick-xenophon-brands-scientology-a-criminal-organisationl/story-e6frf7jo-1225799028615

This article, published the same day as the ABC News article above, covers the same story about Nick Xenophon’s statements in parliament regarding the Church of Scientology, although in a slightly different and possibly more inflammatory manner.

The author, Anne Wright, is a member of the Australian Associated Press and still writes for the Herald Sun newspaper with an apparent focus on Australian politics.

The story leads in with mention of Mr Xenophon’s statement about the Church of Scientology being a “criminal organisation” and focuses on Mr Xenophon’s statements about the inherent criminality of the church, with only passing mentions of his concerns regarding their tax-exempt status, which was the purpose of his statements to parliament. The matter of tax-status is almost completely ignored when the author selects quotes from a statement released by the Church of Scientology in response to Mr Xenophon’s speech, stoking the fire of controversy by including a quote describing Mr Xenophon’s statements as “fascistic”.

It seems that the original purpose of Mr Xenophon’s statement to parliament has been lost amongst the discussion about the language used, and the idea espoused in Newspaper Journalism (Cole, P & Harcup, T., 2010) that the drive to create sensation can compromise the faculty to report the news accurately as selective editorialising makes it more valuable to talk, in this instance, about the potentially inflammatory language of the statements rather than the central news story, which would ultimately impact more people but doesn’t feature as many controversy-keywords for pre-distilled conflict.


Karl Anderson (s4288383)

Wednesday, 9 May 2012

Further Preparations For A Life Of Crime: Introduction to the Anthropology of Funeral Ritual Or Some Shit



“Now as life draws to its close
My slothfulness is past. Grant that steadfast I may live long
As long as life shall last
Come thou down, most precious lama
Thou my shelter be, From life’s endless round, Chenresi
Highest one, deliver me.”

That was a fragment from a Tibetan funeral hymn translated into English by Sir Charles Bell and adapted by Wiliam Lamers. This passage is read over the deceased by a lama, or Buddhist holy man, before the body is taken to its final resting place (Habenstein & Lamers, 1960, p.77). The reading of religious scripture or culturally significant folk hymns is common to almost all religions, with most people in western culture at least aware of some of the Christian prayers and hymns, if nothing more than for their objectively inappropriate use in movies about gangsters and such.

According to Professor Robert Habenstein and William Lamers, immediately after death, a Tibetan Buddhist will pass through a state called “bardo”, which they refer to as being a journey “Between the Two”, referring to the journey of the soul from life to the afterlife to receive their judgement.
This begins with what Lamers calls a “Passing Ceremony”, whereby the lama performs a private ritual to allow the soul to leave to body, conducting a magical ceremony which again has parallels in almost all other religions and cultures.

The Tibetan death ritual – or more particularly, rituals – last a total of 49 days, with ceremonies and prayers performed and repeated for the duration, and involving purification rituals and offerings of food to see the deceased symbolically fed until “bardo” ends and he or she finally makes the final transition to the afterlife. This belief in a soul or spirit separate from one’s own body is called “animism” (Kottak, 2009, .p484) and is the most basic tenet of religious anthropology.

There are four main modes of disposal of the dead in Buddhist Tibet: earth burial (or inhumation), air burial, water burial, and cremation, with embalming performed extremely rarely and reserved for a select few noble families and particularly highly regarded lamas.

Cremation is uncommon in Tibet due to the relative unavailability of wood for burning, and dung is considered inappropriate material for burning the dead. Cremation is, however, utilised occasionally; again for highly regarded lamas.

Water burial is more common, but is, according to Lamers, now prohibited in the more developed regions surrounding the capital, Lhasa, to prevent pollution of water supply, however the practice is still commonly used in less developed areas and usually provided for lepers, the indigent and sometimes infants (Habenstein & Lamers, 1960, p.81-82).

Earth burial, the traditional method most recognised in western countries, is fairly rare in Tibet, largely due to the impracticality of burying the deceased in frozen or rocky ground. Elsewhere, where the environment makes it easier, burial is amongst the most commonly practiced modes of disposal.

According to Lamers and Habenstein, by far the most common, and easily the most memorable (if I’m allowed to refer to something so objectively horrific as ‘memorable’) method of disposal in Tibet is “Air burial”, called “Ja-Tor” (Habenstein & Lamers, 1960, p.83). By this method, a body is prepared, often including dismemberment, and then laid out in a designated place, one of many scattered all over Tibet, to be eaten by carrion or dogs.

All of this grim business is designed with deeply religious motivations, with bodily disincorporation and destruction being a necessary aspect of the Tibetan religion. Lamers and Habenstein quote German explorer Heinrich Herrer as saying, “The Tibetans wish to leave no trace after death of their bodies which, without souls, have no significance.” (Habenstein & Lamers, 1960, p.84)

This simplified breakdown of the main Tibetan Buddhist funerary rites serves as a broad example and gives an interesting view of the nature of burial rituals and their development over the millennia.

Many of these funeral practices are familiar to people of all religions, with a few philosophical differences of varying degrees of significance. Burial and cremation are commonly used methods for the disposal of dead bodies in almost all cultures, ubiquitous from the east to the west, with notable exceptions being people of Islamic and Sikh faith. Muslims cannot be cremated, and Sikhs are almost never buried (Church of England, 1985, p.28).

Water burial is slightly less common in other places, almost never practiced in western cultures, with exception to burial at sea for those lost on the ocean. It is still widely practiced in Japanese Shintoism, as well as other religions, although its popularity has waned. One of the significant reasons for water burial, for instance in the Hindu religion, is the belief in purifying the body. This translates to the Catholic ritual of washing the body, sanctifying the flesh.

Air burial, which is by far the least common mode of disposal in western culture, is still found in other cultures. It is a widely popularised aspect of Norse Viking culture, and continues to be used by Zoroastrians of India, with elaborately constructed altars, called “Towers of Silence”, built as a final resting place atop mountains scattered all over the country where carrion birds can scavenge flesh from the corpses before putrefaction can take place, which is regarded as bad for the escaping spirit. An important aspect of air burial in those religions that practice it is the belief that letting birds and other animals devour your flesh allows you to be re-incorporated into the environment and commit the final selfless act of providing nourishment for the creatures of earth, but in Zoroastrianism it is designed as a means of guiding the soul safely to the afterlife by preventing decomposition (Habenstein & Lamers, 1960, p.179-181).

What is interesting is how different religions, and different peoples, spread across the globe with different environmental and social factors informing their decisions and cultures, still came to develop burial rituals with striking similarities despite oceans and generations between them.

There are two significant factors that have led to the traditions we now know across the world; one is the pure religious aspect, designed as veneration of the dead for the purpose of easing the deceased’s transition to the next world, whatever that may be, and to provide comfort for the bereaved. The second significant factor is, of course, the environmental, with some cultures clearly unable to adopt certain methods of disposal for various reasons, and other events causing a change to funerary practices, like the spread of the bubonic plague in 14th century Europe which caused people to be buried six feet underground to prevent spread of infection; a tradition which the Catholic Church carried on, and which ultimately became a phrase that is still used as a popular euphemism for death.

There are other significant developments in burial practices; notable amongst them is the emergence of consecrated cemeteries and the early tombs, such as the Mycenaean “tholos” tombs, dating as far back as 1600 BCE (Grinsell, 1975, p.144), the basic “Protogeometric” model (Kurtz & Boardman, 1971, p.26) for art and design, which re-emerged in later Greek tombs, as well as bearing some basic commonalities in function to modern mausoleums. This would speak to another tenet of the veneration of the dead: preservation.

One of the core differences between religions is simply the relationship of the body to the soul. Some cultures regard the body as sacred and wish to preserve the corpse as a mark of love and respect or because they believe that preserving the body will ease the transition to the afterlife, as with the well-documented Egyptian embalming technique, whereas some cultures regard the body as little more than a vessel for the soul, such as Buddhists with their various methods of disposal, again a prime illustration of animism.

But there are still the emotional aspects to consider on the part of the bereaved, and the impact that religious ritual, particularly where death is concerned, might have on them.

In Peter Metcalfe’s anthropological study, Celebrations of Death, he talks about the French sociologist, Emile Durkheim, and his theories about the social reaction to religious ritual and the effect of commonly held beliefs creating “collective representations” that could unite individuals for a kind of emotional support while compartmentalising the individual and, in a sense, insulating the individual from the grief and emotional distress of death (Metcalfe, 1991, p.28-29).

Effie Bendam, in her 1930 study, Death Customs, simplifies this idea to its spiritual core, saying that the “great importance attached to the disposal of the body seems to be universal. We may state that the principle is invariably the same – the dead would ‘walk’ unless the body is disposed of with the appropriate ceremony” (Bendam, 1930, p.45). This, of course, brings us to ghosts and supernatural beings, another important element of animism and, to some degree, totemism, or the belief that animals or objects can harbour the spirits of ancestors.

Put simply, the significance and influence of the funeral ritual doesn’t change a lot from one culture to the next – with a few outstanding exceptions –, with the core values, traditions and rituals remaining largely the same within a few key variations, albeit with widely different expressions; but the influence of culture has a significant impact on the funeral ritual with environmental and historical influences dictating certain changes in the course of funerary culture all over the world.

Karl Anderson

Bibliography

Bendamm, Effie; Death Customs: An Analytical Study of Burial Rites Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1930
 
Church of England; Funerals and Ministry to the Bereaved London: Church House Publishing, 1985

Grinsell, Leslie; Barrow, Pyramid and Tomb: Ancient Burial Customs in Egypt, the Mediterranean and the British Isles Boulder: Westview Press, 1975

Habenstein, Robert W and Lamers, William M; Funeral Customs the World Over Milwaukee: Bulfin Press, 1960

Huntington, Richard and Metcalfe, Peter; Celebrations of Death: The Anthropology of Mortuary Ritual London: Cambridge University Press, 1979

Kurtz, Donna C and Boardman, John; Greek Burial Customs Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971